Featured

9/11 Republican

I am a 9/11 Republican.

There are many of us, a silent demographic forged by our generation’s “day which will live in infamy.” For some, what changed them was a jarring intrusion of the seventh century and the uncivilized world into the post-Cold War, “end of history” reverie that they had been living in throughout the 90s. For me, it was something else, a confrontation with something internal, rather than outside forces. It was encountering a moral attitude and a version of intellectualism that I had never thought possible.

Here is what 9/11 did to me.

The Attack

On September 11th 2001, I was starting my second semester at Columbia University. I had transferred from a small music school at the start of the year, and was embarking on my own little slice of life New York Adventure that some of us are so fortunate to have.

On that day, at that time, I didn’t know much about New York. I had been there eight months, and was living an isolated student life as an older, non-traditional student, having spent five years in the Army and two years in small state schools before transferring to Columbia. I had a small, university-owned apartment a few blocks from campus, no friends, and no money. I had experienced New Year’s Eve in Times Square three days after I moved to the city, but all I had done since then was attend class and try to orient myself to my new school environment. I had walked around the city, as a penniless student can, but I hadn’t “experienced” the city, and I didn’t really know anything about it other than that I loved it.

The morning of September 11th was perfect. A clear, crisp, cloudless day, the kind where you just open your windows and soak it all in.

I had a new roommate, who was starting his second year at Columbia Business School. There was no television in the apartment, but my roommate liked to listen to the radio in the morning while getting ready for school. While we were walking around the apartment, shaking off the cobwebs and getting ready for class, he casually said “Hey did you hear a plane hit the World Trade Center?” I hadn’t, because I prefer silence in the morning to the radio. I didn’t think anything of it, because I knew a plane had hit the Empire State Building many years ago, and, as I thought to myself, “These things happen.” After he mentioned it I thought “I should look that up later today and see what happened,” and promptly forgot about it.

A few minutes later, when we crossed paths again, he said “Did you hear that a second plane hit?”

Uh-oh.

It was then clear that this wasn’t an accident. It was terrorism.

My first thought, putting myself in the mind of someone who would do something like this and quickly running through scenarios, was “I wonder if they brought a nuke.” Friends of mine had mentioned rumors of suitcase nuclear weapons when I was in the Army, and it occurred to me that if you were going to go to the trouble of crashing a plane into a building and committing suicide, you might as well bring a bomb with you. Maximizing death and destruction is clearly your goal, and one way to inflict even more damage than your suicide plane would be to bring along a massive bomb.

My girlfriend at the time was living in Queens, and had jury duty that week. I called her landline from my own, and when she answered I said “Turn on the tv.”

“Which station?”

“Any station.”

So she turned on our local city news station, New York One, which was playing live footage of the smoldering buildings. “Do you think I should still go to jury duty?” (For those unfamiliar with Manhattan, City Hall is very close to the World Trade Center) “NO.” “Are you sure?” “YES. I’m sure they’ll understand.”

I had not seen any pictures or footage of the attack, so she explained what she was seeing and what they were saying on tv, while we both tried to fathom just what the hell is happening now. Then she audibly paused and said “Oh my god. One of the buildings just came down…get out of Manhattan.”


This moment probably holds the blue ribbon for “times I’ve outsmarted myself in life.” As soon as she said that, I pictured the island of Manhattan immediately being locked down and sealed off, all trains and bridges being instantaneously shut down and all modes of public transportation stalled. In fact, public transportation was still moving for some portion of the next hour, and there is a decent chance I actually could have gotten off the island, if I hustled quickly enough to the right trains or bridges. In this reality, I would have spent the day in Queens, watching the day unfold from her apartment in Astoria.

What I actually did was go to class.

I didn’t know what else to do.

My classroom was five or six blocks away up Broadway. In college I was the “Big Headphones Guy,” so I grabbed my cd player/radio combo, slapped on my headphones, and headed to my German class listening to AM radio, 1010 WINS.

As I walked up Broadway on this picturesque, postcard morning, I soon noticed something: you could tell who did and didn’t know. Half of us were walking in a daze, each step taken tentatively and gingerly, as in a dream, like we didn’t quite know what reality was. The other half were walking la-dee-da, practically skipping down the street, on their way to work or class, enjoying this most perfect of fall mornings. I remember vividly the serene smiles on their faces, while I was stumbling forward in a trance, listening to the sober sounds of AM radio clinically repeating the known details of an ongoing terrorist attack a few miles south of me.

On my way to class, I found out that the Pentagon has also been attacked, exactly how was unclear. Suddenly the reporter said “We’re hearing reports that a plane has gone down in Pennsylvania.” Clearly this was meant for the White House. If you attack the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, there’s only one other target that could be on your list.

“We’re at war.”

This is how much the world had changed since I left my apartment three blocks ago.

I didn’t know who we were at war with. I didn’t know where we were at war. I didn’t know how many attacks were underway. But I knew that we were at war.

When I got to class, something amazing happened: everyone showed up. It was a ten-twenty class, and probably every one of us had taken it so that we could sleep in in the morning. As I recall, almost none of my classmates even knew that we had been attacked. The only one missing from our class was our instructor, who we later learned lived not far from the site, and was trapped in her neighborhood all day.

Our classroom was a small conference room, with a long table that would seat our class of about fifteen people. Since I had the big headphones, I placed them on the table at my end, faced the speakers out, and turned the volume all the way up so that everyone could hear. As students groggily filed into the room, we would fill them in on what was happening in New York and around the country.

Before long, most of the class had arrived, and we sat there numbly listening to the AM radio reporter reciting the facts as we knew them. For five or ten minutes, we listened to the radio, looked at each other, and wondered what to do.

Then, the radio went silent. We went silent. An announcer said “Oh my god. The second tower just came down.”

Another moment of silence. Then another. Panicked glances at our classmates. Then I gingerly grabbed my cd player, turned the volume down, and our class slowly rose and walked out, into our new world.


I had no idea what to do next. The rest of the day is a blur.

I know I tried to call my mom, and she tried to call me. We could not reach each other until sometime in the afternoon, but with everything happening so fast, that was not particularly distressing.

Like many others, my first thought when I tried to think of something I could do to make myself useful was to look for somewhere to donate blood, especially because I’m a universal donor. And at first, we thought they were going to need a lot of it. We could not know how horribly wrong we were.

As the day went by, each time we listened to the news, we hoped and expected to hear word of how many survivors there were, where they were being sent, and how much blood would be needed. And each horrifying hour that went by, it became more tragically clear, that there would be few to no survivors.

For the rest of the day, I mostly spun my wheels, wondering what to do. Obviously there was nothing I could add by going to the scene. It was becoming clear that there would not be enough survivors, if there were any, to increase the need for blood donations.

Around mid-afternoon I saw a middle-aged black man, in black pants and a black t-shirt, sitting on a bench in the median of Broadway at an intersection near my apartment. He must have walked uptown from the scene. He was covered in ash from head to toe, unblinking eyes fixed on the ground in a haunted thousand-yard stare. I wondered what he had seen. I could never ask him.

My girlfriend was not too happy that I had left her alone that day, but by the time the attack was over, Manhattan truly was shut down, and there was no way off the island. I don’t know what I did the rest of the afternoon, but come nightfall, I had a plan, the only thing that could keep my mind occupied while it was spinning in a world of emotions and confusion: go to my local bar that had all the tvs, grab a few drinks, and watch us nuke Afghanistan.


The Aftermath

What happened next was…disturbing.

The aftermath of September 11th was my first real-world collision with relativism. I honestly don’t know if I had ever thought consciously about it before then. But I encountered it everywhere in the months and years afterwards.

But before the relativism came cowardice.

Days after the attack, I was sitting on the steps at Columbia, talking to a sophomore I knew. We were ruminating over what had happened and what may happen, and he said something that jarred me: “If there’s a draft, I’m moving to Canada.”

This gave me a pause that’s hard to put into words. Let me try to illustrate with my internal monologue.

“You fucking coward. They killed three thousand people eight miles from here. You’re a nineteen-year-old man, born at the top of the richest country on earth, given everything in the world by America, and when not just your country but your city is attacked, your first instinct is to run away??”

The intensity of my disgust goes far beyond these words, but it’s the best I can do on paper. I could not believe the absolute gall of this person, this privileged, fighting-age man, whose first thought when there was a mass murder in his city was to run away and save his own skin. This was a certain kind of person at Columbia, and it was a major eye-opener to discover that they exist.

As odious as that sentiment was, the more common feeling I encountered was one of resigned relativism, perhaps mixed with or used as an excuse for cowardice. For example, someone once asked me at a student party “What do you expect when you build towers to the sky…? Someone’s going to try to knock them down.” As if we brought it on ourselves, with our own Babylonian hubris. In one of my classes that semester, another student said that he was “really disturbed by all the flag-waving” that had been happening since the attack.

Well. That’s certainly one thing to be angry about. I can think of a few thousand others, still buried a few miles south of here. But ok.

My response was “Well, if it’s good enough for the firefighters who are still digging through the rubble, and the service-members who are going to go fight these guys, maybe it’s good enough for a Columbia student.” Not much response to that, of course. Certainly not a reconsidering. I soon learned that Columbia students, like other New York intellectuals, were too smart for simple-minded concepts like patriotism.


The reflexive aversion to loving and defending your country was not the only thing that surprised me. In addition to the lofty, generalized relativism I encountered, there was also a specific kind. Islam and Islamic societies were topics that had probably never crossed my mind before September 11th. Now they were at the forefront.

These were early days, before people spent all day online, before the real institution of all knowledge on the internet, and before I had read books like Infidel or Islam and the Future of Tolerance. But I did the best I could, reading articles about Islam, Saudi Arabia, other countries in the region, and talking to people about it constantly.

To my great shock, when I engaged other students in conversations about oppressive Islamic theocracies, I did not hear condemnation, or anger, or judgment of any kind. It was more “Well that’s just how they are.” I would reply “Yes. That is how they are. And it is messed up. Problematic, you might say.”

Where was that second step, the critique? Why was that not part of their analysis? Where was their moral investigation of these types of societies generally, and specifically how they tend to create barbarism and terrorists?

The answer is: there really was none. In conversation after conversation, there was just no moral calculus applied to tyrannical Islamic societies. By New Yorkers. In the aftermath of September 11th.

Illustrative is a conversation I had with a friend who was a Barnard student. I was being a typical Ivy League nerd, having a Socratic dialogue about the topic in a bar, finding out how she felt about the Islamic societies that breed terrorists, and what she thought we should do about them. I was expressing my hostility towards such cultures, and she was indicating that she really didn’t want to judge them.

By now I’d had many such conversations, could predict where they were going from the initial salvo, and had some responses mapped out for the things people typically say.

My first question was “Can we say that America is a better society than Saudi Arabia?” “No.” Of course not.

I knew that a New York intellectual is instinctively going to think “racism” when faced with that question. So I had a follow-up.

“Can we say that America in 2002 is a better society than Germany in 1938?”

“No.”

As on the college steps, I was actually stumped, completely frozen by this response. I tend to think very fast, and my mind was racing with the necessary conclusions that must come from an axiom like this. What this means, what a person must hold in their heart to say something like this, what their view of the world must be. And it is terrifying when you think through the moral consequences of this philosophy for even a moment.

As months wore on, I started to draw some bleak conclusions about my fellow students, and about educated, intellectual New Yorkers. My first response to my city being attacked was rage, first hot, then cold, but always instantly resurfaced whenever I paused to think about the attack, whenever I walked certain streets downtown, or whenever I saw a mass of desperate “Have you seen me?” posters covering a pillar or a wall in a subway station. On the day we were attacked, I could not have fathomed that I would be living in a Bizarro World where I felt virtually alone in my rage, almost that I had to hide it or be ashamed of it, because it would out me as some sort of wide-eyed, open-jawed anachronism to my classmates and neighbors.

This is what it was like to be a New Yorker after 9/11. Or, rather, a New Yorker who wanted to defend New York.


Lest you think I exaggerate, or that somehow, I found the only New Yorkers who felt this way, none other than Christopher Hitchens had a similar experience, running in truly elite intellectual circles in New York, where he taught, and Washington, D.C., where he lived. He published several vital essays before the end of that year, which are essential reading for understanding the liberal mind in the post-9/11 world. Here is a sample of what he experienced in the weeks after the attack.

October 6, the day immediately preceding the first U.S. counterstroke against the Taliban and Osama bin Laden, found me on a panel at the New York Film Festival…on a stage with Oliver Stone, who spoke with feeling about something he termed “the revolt of September 11.”

I challenged Stone to reconsider his view of the immolation of the World Trade Center as a “revolt.” He ignored me. Later he added that this rebellion would soon be joined by the anti-globalization forces of the Seattle protesters. When he was asked by a member of the audience to comment on the applause for the September 11 massacres in Arab streets and camps, he responded that the French Revolution, too, had been greeted by popular enthusiasm.

Although those who don’t read The Nation, the New Statesman, and the London Review of Books, and who haven’t come across Susan Sontag’s disdainful geopolitical analysis in the pages of The New Yorker, may not be aware of it, these views are, sadly, not uncommon on the political left. Indeed, I would surmise that audience approval of [these views] was something near fifty-fifty.

The sense I want to convey to the reader is the prevalence of these sentiments, in the city where the attack occurred, in the wake of the recency of the attack. Hitchens may do a better job than I when he explains that

[T]hree weeks after a mass murder had devastated the downtown district, and at a moment when the miasma from the site could still be felt and smelled, a ticket-buying audience of liberal New Yorkers awarded blame more or less evenhandedly between the members of al Qaeda and the directors of U.S. foreign policy. 

By this time I was entering my twenty-sixth day of active and engaged antagonism toward this sort of talk, or thought, and was impressed despite myself by the realization that I was the first person Stone…and some audience members appeared to have met who did not agree with them. Or perhaps I should rephrase that: I was the first person on the political left they had met who did not echo or ratify their view.

Pause and reflect on the enormity of this statement. What Hitchens is saying, and what I can confirm, is that self-flagellation and a “we had it coming” sentiment were not rare, but commonplace in the epicenter of the September 11th attacks. That in the aftermath of the horrors we witnessed on live tv and saw replayed for weeks and months, in the wake of all the terrible ways to die we saw that day, rather than patriotism, the very inhabitants of the city that was attacked recoiled into a reflexive anti-patriotism. Rather than respond with a righteous fury and desire to defend their country, they instinctively ran towards ideological anti­-Americanism, and went so far as to venture into terrorist apologetics.

Pusillanimous doesn’t even begin to describe it.

Comedian Evan Sayet noticed something similar from his circle of liberal friends after September 11th.

For years and years I’d hear my friends from the Left say how evil and horrible and racist and imperialistic and oppressive America is, and I’d chuckle to myself and think, “Oh, they always say that; they love America.” Then on 9/11, we were beaten up, and when I grabbed them by the collar, and I said, “Come on, let’s help her. Let’s help America,” they said, “Nah, she deserves it.”

At that moment, I realized: They really do hate America.


What I’ve recounted feels like a terrible secret I’ve kept for twenty-five years. I needed to write this because I think many people truly do not know. Because some things are too appalling to even consider possible. Because some depths of cowardice are so low, you would not think another person capable of sinking to them.

Because if I did not tell you, you would not believe that New Yorkers, famous for their grit and resilience, shrank morally and intellectually from defending their city in its most vulnerable moment. You would not believe that rather than rushing to defend their city and the nation it helped found, they rushed to justify its attackers. Rather than find a reason to fight, they found a reason to retreat.

I know that many New Yorkers had the opposite intuition, the right instincts, to defend their city, to curse the barbarians who attacked it, and to support finding and destroying every last one of them. These were often the middle-class New Yorkers, the working-class New Yorkers, the multi-generational New Yorkers, the kind of people who waved flags, drove cabs, and ran into burning buildings that were about to collapse to save others.

But the educated class, the professional class, the Ivy League class, the intellectual “elites” that also fill this city had a different reaction. They were too smart, too sophisticated, too global to feel anything as low and mean as patriotism after September 11th.


A popular political joke these days is “What radicalized you?”

This. This radicalized me.

When I talk to normal people in the rest of America about coastal elites, relativism, and intellectual snobbery, I often tell these stories, and I end with this: however depraved, nihilistic, and relativistic you think these people are, they are far worse than that. You have no idea. Only by seeing their immediate, instinctive reaction mere miles from where the World Trade Center collapsed, in the city they call home, can you see the fruits of their philosophy in full bloom.

Many other things contributed to my rightward shift in those years, including a burgeoning interest in economics, and a deeper study and understanding of world history. But far and away, the deepest, the most abrupt, and the most jarring reason my politics changed was witnessing the instincts of the educated elites in the wake of atrocity firsthand.

I am a 9/11 Republican. And I will never forget why.

Dinesh D’Souza On Tucker Carlson

Here’s my latest post on my YouTube channel, with policy wonk and academic Dinesh D’Souza discussing Tucker Carlson’s recent conspiracy theories, which are unfortunately shared by a lot of influential people.

I’ve got some good stuff on this channel, I encourage you to subscribe!

Click here to see my channel.

Happy New Year!

Featured

New York, I Love You

On this day, 25 years ago, I moved to New York City

I did it all

I lived in Manhattan on 9/11 (about six miles North)

I walked through Times Square when it was empty, just me and my girlfriend, days after the towers came down

I almost threw up the first time I saw the skyline without the towers, that same day, from 14th street

I lived through the blackout of 2004

I lived in Brooklyn

I lived in Queens

I met exotic women

I met mysterious rich people from all over the world, with tales beyond belief

I fell in love

I saw the best musicians in the world in small, empty clubs before they were famous

I came close to getting in fights with homeless people. Many times.

I found the best pizza in the world and ate it regularly

I became a regular at a bar in SoHo, friends with the owner, my very own Cheers

I rollerbladed around Central Park, often at sunrise after being out at the bar all night

I saw my first dead body, lying in the street

Then my second

I memorized almost the entirety of Manhattan below Central Park

I saw subway musicians that you wouldn’t BELIEVE

I was one of the first gentrifiers in a new building in Long Island City

I lived behind the Pepsi sign

I read Fountainhead from that apartment and that pier behind the sign, watching Manhattan and reading, just as Rand would have wanted

I fell in love with the city, and swore never to leave

I fell out of love with the city, and had an ugly divorce

I miss it

I love it

I’ll never get over it

New York, I love you

I took this picture from the Staten Island Ferry in January or February of 2002
I lived here

Voting for Trump? “You ain’t black.”

Now that we’ve gotten to see Barack Obama lecture black men about how “they ain’t black” if they don’t vote for Harris, I thought it would be a good time to share my video about why liberals hate black conservatives.


This may also be a good time to take a step back and remind ourselves, or be reminded if we haven’t heard, that Barack Obama has no personal or historical connection to “The Black Experience” in America. Like me, he is half-white, but unlike me, the black side of his family are not descendants of slavery, meaning that he personally does not have a historical connection to slavery in his family lineage, with all the generational difficulties and trauma that entails.

He did not “live The Struggle” as you might say, and he has absolutely no connection to “The Black Struggle” as it is commonly understood in the context of American history and society.

Note too that while plenty of white Americans, immigrants, and people of all backgrounds and races live hard lives, face financial hardship, and have to scrape and fret to survive, he did not experience that life, either. His parents met in a Russian class at the University of Hawaii, where his father was studying economics as a visiting student from Kenya, before going on to get a Master’s in economics at Harvard. Upon graduating from Harvard, his father “married for a third time and worked for the Kenyan government as the Senior Economic Analyst in the Ministry of Finance.” While Barack Jr. was alienated from his father at a young age, his parents were both of the educational elite, and he did not grow up in a manner that is in any way thought of or associated with “The Black Experience” in America. When it comes to persevering and overcoming hardship, Bill Clinton had a much more typical childhood associated with that sort of experience than Barack Obama did. In fact, none other than Nobel Prize-winning author Toni Morrison called Clinton “our first black President…[b]lacker than any actual black person who could ever be elected in our children’s lifetime.”

Some may say that her words remain true over two decades later….

A few other things separate Barack Obama’s childhood and experience from that of your typical black American, or even from your typical American. Four years abroad in elementary school in Jakarta, Indonesia, living with his mother and another foreign father figure in his stepdad, where he supposedly became fluent in Indonesian. Attending an Ivy League feeder prep school in Hawaii, while living with his grandfather and grandmother, who was a Vice President at the Bank of Hawaii. And of course attending Columbia University and Harvard Law School in the 1980s.

The reason this is important is because of the absolute incongruity if not insanity of a man like this lecturing black men about their duty to vote for Kamala Harris as if he’s one of them, indeed an elder among them, and because she is like them, and their mothers and their sisters. Whatever internal strife, identity crises, and life struggles he has had, they are not the same kind of struggles that most black men in America have faced, and it is both insulting and condescending for him to carry himself that way in order to talk down to black men and to voters.


As to his actual critique that black men are failing to support a candidate who “understands them,” Harris’s family history and childhood are just as atypical and removed from the average African American experience as Obama’s is. Her mother was an Indian immigrant with a Ph.D from Berkeley, which led to a career as a cancer researcher. Her father also has a Ph.D from Berkeley and was the first black professor to be granted tenure in Stanford’s economics department.

So when Obama says she “grew up like you, knows you…understands the struggles, and pain, and joy that comes from those experiences,” that she has “had to overcome” to achieve in life…I really have to wonder what he means. Does he mean overcome the struggle of having two parents with Ph.Ds from an elite school, one a medical researcher and one a prestigious economist? Does he mean the pain of growing up in Berkeley and then Montreal, attending an elite public high school in a wealthy neighborhood? When he says she has “shared experiences” with them, perhaps he means when she “went ta college wit’cha,” which I’m sure is the dialect he uses behind closed doors at his mansion in Martha’s Vineyard and how he talked while at Columbia and Harvard.

Or perhaps it turns out that her “shared experience” of “The Black Struggle” is just as fake as his, as much of a cheap racial pander playing on stereotypes as any low rent “hot sauce in my purse” type of trick. And perhaps Bill Clinton really is our first, and only, black president.


While we’re at it, and since we’re having so much fun, I’ll include my video about the left’s vicious smears against a black man who rose from literal dirt poverty to the highest court in the land.


To understand how Barack Obama is more of a self-made myth than a self-made man, I highly recommend this interview with Obama biographer David Garrow, and Garrow’s subsequent interview with Megyn Kelly. Alone or together, these two pieces utterly annihilate the Obama Myth. If you care enough to have an opinion about Barack Obama, these are required reading and viewing. And if you know anyone who has an opinion about him, you should share these as well.

https://www.tabletmag.com/sections/arts-letters/articles/david-garrow-interview-obama


And to pierce the veil on the Kamala Harris Myth, I recommend this excellent piece by Ben Shapiro. Like the pieces on Obama, this one completely undermines and refutes her claimed “humble” upbringing as a “middle class kid” who identifies with “The Black Struggle.”


If you liked this article, please subscribe to my blog by clicking the blue “Follow” button in the upper right corner (at the bottom of the article if you’re on your phone or tablet) to receive an email every time I post, which isn’t that often. And of course feel free to share it if you know someone else who may enjoy it.

Featured

What’s the solution to poverty?

We have a strong safety net. Why doesn’t it always work? Why doesn’t it keep everyone out of poverty?

If we just spend enough money and make the safety net big enough, will that end poverty? Or will people make decisions that keep them in poverty no mater how much money we spend on the safety net?

Is there a magic bullet or recipe that can help someone escape poverty? Turns out: there is. Economic researchers who study poverty have found 3 choices people make that almost entirely determine whether they escape poverty or remain in poverty.

The good news for those in poverty is that the power to improve their lives is entirely in their hands.

The bad news for those in poverty is that the power to improve their lives is entirely and only in their hands.

This gets right to the heart of the discussion about the solution to poverty, and whether “taxing the wealthy a little bit more” as Jamie Dimon says is actually the cure.

Featured

What causes poverty?

Here I explore some of the questions from my last post about the idea that “taxing the wealthy a little bit more” will cure or substantially reduce poverty and the hardships faced by the poor.

Should there be a social safety net?

Does everyone agree that there should be a safety net?

What causes someone to be poor? The answer could be that you’re born poor. In that case it’s easy to determine.

But not everyone who is poor now was born poor. If that’s the case, what are the factors that caused them to move from say the middle class down the economic ladder?

What keeps them poor? Is it primarily a lack of money? Or is it personal choices, culture, and family?

Some people, many people in fact, do escape poverty, so it clearly is possible. How do they do it? Do social welfare and government programs get them out of poverty? Or is it their own choices and lifestyles, over the long haul?

What’s the difference between successful cultures, families, and individuals, and unsuccessful ones?

I explore these and other questions in this clip.


Here’s the original video:

Featured

Will taxing the wealthy cure poverty?

Would you like to know the answer to this question? Well, I’ll tell you!

In my last video, I addressed comments made by JP Morgan CEO Jamie Dimon that he would tax the wealthy “a little bit more” to alleviate the problems of the poor. I asked and addressed who he means by “The Wealthy” who should be taxed more to solve these problems.

Here I address whether money is actually the solution for the problems that the poor face, and whether his premise even makes sense or is accurate.


Here is the testimony of an economic expert who studies poverty that lists the three-pronged “cure” for poverty mentioned in my video.

This is a long, dense read, that I don’t necessarily recommend taking the time for, but here is a very important nugget from this testimony that is quite frankly the “Magic Bullet” for poverty that we’ve been looking for. I find it strange that these three factors are virtually unknown to anyone and almost never talked about. We should be talking about them constantly if we want to help people make their lives better and reduce overall poverty. Everyone in America, especially all politicians and policymakers, as well as people who are interested in politics, society, and the good of mankind should know and talk about these three factors whenever helping the poor and alleviating poverty come up.

Strategies to Reduce Poverty

Although the dramatic increase in federal spending has not led to an overall reduction in the nation’s poverty rate, at least two strategies have been successful in reducing poverty within specific demographic groups. Both should be considered major successes of the nation’s social policy and both could be extended. The first is to give money to people who are not expected to work and the second is to use welfare policy to strongly encourage work and then to subsidize earnings because so many of the poor have low skills and often cannot earn enough to escape poverty.

Before reviewing these and other strategies for reducing poverty, I want to emphasize the importance of individual initiative in reducing poverty and promoting economic success. My Brookings colleague Isabel Sawhill and I have spent years emphasizing the importance of individual responsibility in reducing poverty and increasing opportunity. One of our arguments, based in part on a Brookings analysis of Census Bureau data, is that young people can virtually assure that they and their families will avoid poverty if they follow three elementary rules for success – complete at least a high school education, work full time, and wait until age 21 and get married before having a baby. Based on an analysis of Census data, people who followed all three of these rules had only a 2 percent chance of being in poverty and a 72 percent chance of joining the middle class (defined as above $55,000 in 2010). These numbers were almost precisely reversed for people who violated all three rules, elevating their chance of being poor to 77 percent and reducing their chance of making the middle class to 4 percent. [25] Individual effort and good decisions about the big events in life are more important than government programs. Call it blaming the victim if you like, but decisions made by individuals are paramount in the fight to reduce poverty and increase opportunity in America. The nation’s struggle to expand opportunity will continue to be an uphill battle if young people do not learn to make better decisions about their future.

Here is a discussion about some other aspects of poverty from the esteemed economist Thomas Sowell.

Here is a blog post where I talk about the value of economic thinking generally, as a way to see things more clearly on a topic like this.

Tax the wealthy (but who are the wealthy…?)

Yesterday I saw a video of JP Morgan CEO Jamie Dimon recommending taxing the wealthy more to help the poor so that they can have better schools, health care, and so on.

But who exactly does he mean? Who are “The Wealthy?”

Him, of course. But who else?

Your doctor? Your lawyer? Your dentist? Your plumber? You?

I explore who is or who should be described as “wealthy” both logically and morally, and for tax and policy purposes.

How would you define who is “wealthy?” Someone who makes $100,000 a year? $200,000 a year? $400,000 a year? A million?

Or does annual income matter less than net worth and assets?

What if your salary is $1 a year but you hold $1 billion in stock? Who’s wealthier, you or the lawyer making $500,000 a year?

Should the lawyer who makes $200,000 a year be taxed as much as Jeff Bezos? Should the couple working 80 hours a week and making $400,000 a year combined be taxed like a billionaire who never has to work again? Should we treat income earners of any kind like those with high net worth and assets?

Who counts as “wealthy?”

Here is the video in question:

Minneapolis 3rd Precinct

During the summer of 2020, as Minneapolis was going through some combination of protests during the day and riots at night (and it genuinely was a “night and day” phenomenon), one of the most significant events that took place was the assault on and burning of the 3rd Police Precinct, home to the police officers involved in the death of George Floyd.

The burning of the 3rd Precinct is one of the stories of the 2020 riots documented in the new movie The Fall of Minneapolis, which was released in November. This movie explores the events of that summer in-depth, and details many facts and events that have been unreported until now. I highly recommend watching it to understand both what happened in Minneapolis that summer, and the effects that George Floyd’s death and the subsequent protests and riots have had on the rest of the country. You can watch it here, here, or here.

The same day the movie was released, I attended a community meeting in the neighborhood where the building was located, for a public forum on the city’s plans to rebuild the police station, as well as some type of “community services” to be located in the building as well. As the article notes, I am fairly confident that I am the only person in that meeting who wanted the police to exist at all, and I am sure that I was the only one comfortable with the very notion of a building that houses police in general.

You may think I’m exaggerating, but unfortunately I am not. The exact reason I went was to see for myself what the community response is to having a rebuilt police station in their neighborhood, and to use the word “hostile” would just be a laughable understatement, and do a gross injustice to the hatred of police permeating this room. Some things have to be seen to be believed. And I saw it.

I knew going in that the overall sentiment would probably be anti-police, but it was so much more intense than even I thought it would be, as cynical and jaded as I am. This is why I reported on the story, which was not my original intent. My only thought going in was just to see for myself, to help understand public perception of this issue, and to hear what people had to say. As the tone of the forum got crazier and crazier, I began to think “Oh my god. People need to hear this.” And that feeling only increased as the meeting went on.

As a result, I published my first piece for local news outlet Alpha News. Below is my piece, as well as some background information. I hope you find it interesting and informative, and if you do, please share it with your friends as well.


Here is my article for Alpha News

Post of the article on Twitter

Here is my Twitter post explaining the background of my reporting on this story

Here is the Facebook post of the story on Alpha News



Here are some statistics about violent crime in Minneapolis since 2020, with 2019 setting the tone as a baseline year. These are some of the worst crimes, but all manners of assaults and property crimes have similarly spiked, not to mention homelessness and vagrancy. You can be sure that St. Paul (the other “Twin City”) and the surrounding suburbs are experiencing the same trend. And as anyone who has lived or spent time in a high-crime area with lax policing and prosecuting can tell you, you can definitely “feel” it in both the cities and suburbs – both the increase of crime, and the increased boldness of criminals.


Comment from an acquaintance who lives in the neighborhood:

Thanks for your article, Shane. I live in the third precinct, not far from what was the police station. While I understand the PTSD that many have from the riots in a very personal way, the people who show up at these meetings are not representative of the community. Residents like me - and there are many - don't go because the dysfunction is infuriating and the participating city council members aren't there to listen. Sad truth. There are many of us who value having the police in our community.

Reaction to The Fall of Minneapolis